Unmasking Ideologies: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Digital English Learning Platform

In the pursuit of comprehensive language education, it is essential to examine the social dynamics inherent in digital language learning platforms (Faizi et al., 2014; Zhou, 2021). As online resources become increasingly vital for acquiring knowledge, exploring the discourses they propagate warrants further investigation (Witschge, 2008). This study employs Fairclough's Three-dimensional Framework, an established model for Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), to assess the discourse of these platforms (Fairclough, 2013; Ingram & Elliott, 2019). The first dimension, textual analysis, examines linguistic features within the platforms' content, such as vocabulary, grammar, and coherence. The second dimension explores discursive practices by delving into the processes of content production, distribution, and consumption. This aspect scrutinizes how the material is curated, delivered, and interpreted by users. Lastly, the social practice perspective considers broader sociocultural contexts that surround the discourse—unravelling ideologies and power dynamics while revealing societal implications. Guiding this multidimensional exploration is the social constructivist theory which posits learning as a socially-mediated process heavily influenced by interactions within a given context (Fairclough, 2003). Applying this line of thought suggests that online language learners construct knowledge not in isolation but through continuous engagement with both the content and their peers in digital spaces.

Tencent's WeChat (known as Weixin in China) stands out as an all-encompassing platform, boasting over one billion monthly active users as of 2021 (Xu, 2022). Launched in 2011, this versatile mobile application offers a multitude of functions from messaging and voice/video calling to social networking—even serving as a tool for online learning, which includes language learning. Such a prominent digital ecosystem warrants investigation into its discourse and ideologies surrounding educational content (Harwit, 2017). As Tencent's product, WeChat operates within the unique social, cultural, and political context of China (Wang & Gu, 2016). Amid the intricacies of this environment, two significant factors demand attention: censorship and government influence along with cultural considerations. The Chinese government's stringent control over the internet and digital platforms imparts considerable bias as it censors politically sensitive or socially destabilizing content (Bamman et al., 2012; King et al., 2013). Consequently, certain viewpoints may be adjusted or omitted to conform to governmental perspectives. Moreover, understanding China's distinct socio-cultural environment—an amalgamation of unique values, norms, and beliefs—plays a crucial role in interpreting content translations from Western sources such as The Economist (Bolton & Botha, 2015; Jiaxi, 2020). Concept presentation and issue emphasis often align more readily with Chinese cultural relevance.

This essay will explore the "Bilingual Interpretation of The Economist" (BITE; 经济学人双语精读) on WeChat as a case to examine potential biases in language learning and current global affairs analysis. BITE, a widely used online educational account in China, merges English language instruction with contemporary international events commentary. The impact of this platform is evident from the reading counts of its 10 most recent posts (as of June 7^th), which range from 24,000 to over 100,000 readers. This investigation is guided by a CDA framework to identify the strategies BITE employs in content curation, translation, and interpretation, and how they may reflect specific ideological inclinations. By examining the choice of articles for publication, translation foci, and provided interpretations, the present essay aims to uncover any inherent worldview or bias. Notably, The Economist - the primary source of content for BITE - is recognized for its liberal and free-market orientation, which inherently influences its portrayal of international matters (Starr, 2004). Therefore, our analysis considers whether BITE's selection, translation, and interpretation processes either preserve or alter these biases, consequently impacting its readers' perspectives.

Results

Selective Presentation of Negative News Related to China

In Appendix A, a report dated May 18th, 2023, scrutinizes an article originally titled "China's cancel culture is nationalist, not woke: One comedian finds himself unwittingly on the end of it" (TE), and subsequently retitled by WeChat as "Stand-up comedian House is being investigated in a case: how is(are) the foreign media reporting?" (脱口秀演员House被立案调查，外媒怎么报道？). This modification of the title exemplifies a selective representation of negativity pertaining to China within the discourse. Through the textual analysis provided, the power dynamics inherent to this WeChat account become apparent. The administrators of the WeChat account wield narrative power by emphasizing select aspects of news articles congruent with their ideological stance. By altering the original title, the administrators both refocus readers' attention toward House's investigation and provoke inquiry regarding the objectivity of foreign media coverage. This strategic manipulation illustrates the intricate interplay between control and ideology within social media platforms.

Furthermore, this selective portrayal of negative Chinese perspectives can potentially intensify nationalist sentiments among readers. By characterizing a comedian's investigation as a case study of foreign media reporting, it subtly suggests an antagonistic relationship between China and the rest of the world. This framing not only encourages the notion of Chinese exceptionalism but also plays a role in strengthening nationalist discourse. The consequences of this biased presentation extend beyond mere language acquisition. Language learners who use these platforms may inadvertently absorb prejudiced information, which can reinforce certain belief systems and viewpoints.

In the context of discursive practices, such a WeChat-based social platform reveals intriguingly elevated levels of editor-audience engagement. A prevailing nationalist discourse emerges through comments exemplifying a robust sense of national pride and reverence for China's military. For instance, a comment on a particular post garnered significant attention, acquiring 582 'likes' by June 7th. It asserts, "The bottom line is not negotiable; the PLA (People's Liberation Army) must not face insult" (底线没有商量的余地，解放军不容侮辱). This acute expression of nationalism suggests subscribers' unwavering dedication to safeguarding China's prestige and emphasizes their refusal to allow disdain or disrespect towards the nation or its defence forces. This embodiment of patriotic fervour and protective sentiments indicates the profound impact of these convictions on the audience members engaging with this WeChat account.

The second most-liked comment (amassing 555 likes until June 7th) stated ‘The latter content is not suitable for learning [doge emoji]’ (后面的内容不适合学习[旺柴]) which is a reply to another comment ‘so short?’ (这么短？). Employing the concept of social practice as a framework for interpreting this response reveals a deeper understanding among Chinese citizens about the constraining effects of state-imposed censorship. One intriguing aspect of this comment is the use of the doge emoji, featuring a Shiba Inu dog—a widely recognized internet meme (Li et al., 2018). By incorporating such an emoji, the commenter imbues their statement with undertones of sarcasm or irony. This humorous addition not only infuses their observation with a playful or satirical tone but also discretely highlights the realities of state and mind control in disseminating information, which may otherwise be restricted or regulated to maintain conformity with government regulations or social standards.

Focusing on the other content of this post, it also shows certain level of manipulations. For instance, BITE highlighted an original sentence ‘Stand-up comedy … against the backdrop of an emerging trend of … pit witty comedians against one another’ and explained the use of ‘pit A against B’. However, beyond the simple explanation, this account provides another sample for it:

For example, if the United States holds an election next year and Biden announces his candidacy for re-election, we can say (比如美国明年举行大选，拜登宣布竞选连任，我们可以说：)
The upcoming election will pit the current president against a Republican candidate.
在即将到来的大选中，现任总统将和一名共和党候选人竞争。

While the text serves its pedagogical purpose, the chosen context and presentation subtly reflect certain biases and ideological assumptions. The text's portrayal of US politics – particularly through its depiction of President Biden and the oversimplified binary political landscape – facilitates comprehension for Chinese learners. However, this approach concurrently reinforces a competitive (rather than collaborative) perception of Western politics. The discourse structure suggests that Chinese authors may employ familiar international narratives to support language acquisition. Although US politics frequently feature prominently in global news discourse, the predominant use of Western contexts could inadvertently perpetuate the view that English primarily belongs to such settings. This finding raises concerns regarding potential biases within English language learning materials.

Cultural Representations and Stereotypes

The selected post in Appendix 2, “South Korean President Yoon Suk-yet visits the United States, staying up late every night to memorize English scripts” (韩国总统尹锡悦访美，每天背英文稿到深夜), and some selected sentences such as, "It [Korea] has also been far more loth than some other American allies to distance itself from China" (相比其他美国盟友，韩国很不愿意疏远中国), provide an opportunity to analyze cultural representations and stereotypes within the WeChat post. The title, emphasizing President Yoon's late-night efforts to memorize English scripts, subtly reinforces the dominance of English as a global lingua franca and the cultural influence of the United States. This portrayal, while appearing to commend Yoon's dedication, implicitly endorses the cultural hegemony of English-speaking countries, subtly suggesting that non-Anglophone world leaders must acculturate to this linguistic norm.

The statement about Korea's reluctance to distance itself from China is loaded with geopolitical implications. By portraying South Korea as a nation caught in a geopolitical tug-of-war between two superpowers: China and the United States, the discourse subtly amplifies China's regional influence and power. This narrative can reinforce a sense of national pride among the Chinese audience and further consolidate nationalist sentiments. Simultaneously, the focus on Yoon's language preparation rather than the extensive diplomatic and strategic discussions during his visit - including discussions on nuclear deterrence, technological cooperation, and global governance issues - serves to downplay the substantive aspects of the visit.

When devising examples for the grammatical point(s), the administrator again showed a certain level of bias. For instance, when explaining ‘be a testament to’, the author used the following example (not presented in the original article):

The high enrollment rate of students from rural areas in top universities is a testament to the government's efforts to improve educational equality.
农村学生在顶尖大学的高录取率，证明了政府改善教育平等的努力。

It presents a positive portrayal of the government's efforts in improving educational equality, specifically highlighting the high enrollment rate of students from rural areas in top universities. This statement is implicitly loaded with a socio-political narrative that champions the government's initiatives as successful and effective in bridging the educational gap between urban and rural areas. However, this discourse can be perceived as biased as it assumes a direct causality between the government's efforts and the high enrollment rate of rural students in top universities. It does not take into consideration other possible factors contributing to this outcome, such as non-governmental educational programs, individual student efforts, or societal changes. Moreover, this representation potentially oversimplifies the complex issue of educational inequality by focusing solely on enrollment rates in top universities as a measure of success. It overlooks other critical aspects of educational equality such as quality of education, distribution of educational resources, and access to opportunities post-graduation. Lastly, the use of this example can also be seen as a strategic move to align with dominant ideologies and narratives that favour the government. By incorporating this positive portrayal of the government's efforts in a language-learning context, the discourse subtly influences readers' perceptions and beliefs, potentially reinforcing the legitimacy and authority of the government.

The closing sentence of the WeChat post, " The original text contains some sensitive information, so we won't share it. Thanks for reading!” (原文中有一些敏感信息，所以我们不分享了，感谢阅读！), provides a compelling point for further analysis within the framework of CDA. This statement, while seemingly straightforward, subtly reveals the intricate dynamics of power, control, and narrative shaping within the platform. Initially, the declaration of the presence of "sensitive information" in the original text which will not be shared underscores the pivotal role of the WeChat post's administrators as information gatekeepers. The explicit mention of "sensitive information" here may strategically incite readers' curiosity and stimulate greater interest in the topic, as it arguably reflects the state-imposed censorship in China, where the state often exercises stringent control over the dissemination of information, especially regarding topics like international relations and national security. This, interestingly, motivated the audience to find the original less-biased and unfiltered source to read, which seems to be a rebellion from the BITE administrator.

Conclusion

The present analysis embarked on a rigorous investigation into the discourse dynamics of a digital language learning platform - Tencent's WeChat, employing the toolset of Fairclough's Three-dimensional Framework for CDA. A unique focus was placed on "Bilingual Interpretation of The Economist" within WeChat, revealing profound interconnections among language use, societal contexts, and ideological nuances. In the textual dimension, the study found that BITE exhibits a strategic negativity bias, with an emphasis on China. This pattern of representation could influence the users' narratives and potentially intensify nationalistic sentiments. Delving into the discursive practices, it became evident that the comments section served as a battleground of national pride. Intriguingly, despite state-imposed censorship, the users displayed a sharp awareness, resorting to sarcasm and humor to express their views.

Furthermore, this investigation identified that the language learning content on the platform perpetuates certain ideological assumptions. The context and presentation subtly underscore English's association with Western settings, thereby reinforcing cultural stereotypes. The users are inadvertently exposed to a skewed perception of global affairs, which could endorse the cultural hegemony of English-speaking countries. The role of platform administrators as information gatekeepers was also underlined. They carry the capability to manipulate narratives in line with their ideological preferences, further impacting the learners' perspective and comprehension. Such findings make it clear that the digital language learning platforms, including WeChat's BITE, are far from being neutral spaces. The materials presented on these platforms are intrinsically embedded with cultural, political, and ideological dimensions, which can significantly shape learners' worldviews.

References

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 Appendix

Appendix A

1️⃣

Li Haoshi, known by his stage name House, caught the attention of authorities this week after using a phrase associated with the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) during his comedy show at the Century Theater in Beijing over the weekend.

本周，李昊石（艺名House）引起了当局注意，他周末在北京朝阳区世纪剧院的脱口秀演出中使用了与PLA相关的梗。

📖stage name字面意思是“舞台上的名字”，也就是“艺名”，介绍艺人时，就可以采取「人名+known by one's stage name」的结构，比如邓紫棋的本名叫邓诗颖，我们可以说：

Deng Shiying, known by her stage name Deng Ziqi...

2️⃣

Stand-up comedy has gained traction in China in recent years against the backdrop of an emerging trend of televised contests that pit witty comedians against one another.

近年来，电视竞赛类节目兴起，诙谐幽默的喜剧人相互对垒，在这一背景下，脱口秀在中国越来越受欢迎。

📖gain traction意思是“流行、受到人们关注”，这个表达来自于物理学中的traction概念，指牵引力，在这个表达中，它比喻一个观点或趋势在社会中被接受，可替换gain popularity, become popular等。

📖pit A against B意思是“使A和B竞争或对抗”，这个表达源自于英语中pit的一个旧义，意为“使进行斗争”，比如美国明年举行大选，拜登宣布竞选连任，我们可以说：

The upcoming election will pit the current president against a Republican candidate.

在即将到来的大选中，现任总统将和一名共和党候选人竞争。

Appendix B

韩国总统尹锡悦访美，每天背英文稿到深夜

4月24号，韩国总统尹锡悦开始了对美国为期七天的访问。根据韩联社的报道，在4月21号之后，尹锡悦就推掉了所有的外事活动，为了能在美国国会演讲时全程使用英文，每天背诵英文演讲稿直到深夜，可以说是煞费苦心。2023年4月24日的《经济学人》中就讲到了尹锡悦对美国的访问，文中有一些有趣的表达，和大家分享一下：一

South Korea has America in its face and China breathing down its neck.

韩国一方面被美国颐指气使，另一方面又忌惮中国。

这是文章的题目，题目中有两个很有画面感的表达：in one's face 和 breathe down one's neck.
in one's face，就像有人在你面前指指点点一样，它的意思是 annoying sb by criticizing them or telling them what to do all the time，翻译为“批评某人，支使某人”，文中 has America in its face 意思是：美国对韩国颐指气使。breathe down one's neck 的意思是：to watch closely what sb is doing in a way that makes them feel anxious or annoyed “紧盯着某人看，看得某人心里发毛”，想象你的老板在你身后一直盯着你，你的脖子都能感觉到他的呼吸，是不是很忐忑的感觉？

breathe down one's neck 可以和 watch closely、keep an eye on、monitor 等替换，文中 China breathing down its neck 意思是：中国紧盯着韩国。这两个短语中都有人身体部位的词语（face, neck），有种拟人化的感觉，十分生动形象地描述了韩国尴尬的处境。

二

He spoke of the country as a “global pivotal state”, pushing liberal values in developing and developed countries alike. Such rhetoric was unusual in a country that had traditionally considered itself a shrimp trapped between whales.

尹锡悦把韩国称为“全球关键国家”，推动自由价值观在发展中国家和发达国家的传播。这种说法很不同寻常，因为韩国之前一直把自己视为“困在两只鲸鱼之间的一个虾米”。

在这句话中，pivotal 的意思是“至关重要的，核心的”，相当于 key, central, decisive 等词。
a shrimp trapped between whales “困在两只鲸鱼之间的一个虾米”，这个描述非常准确，而尹锡悦却将弹丸之地的韩国视为 global pivotal state，有那雄心没那实力。《韩非子》中有句话：

国小而不处卑，力少而不畏强，无礼而侮大邻，贪愎而拙交者，可亡也。

我觉得很适合韩国。

三

It was music to American ears. President Joe Biden has sought to bolster America against China by bigging up its Asian allies.

这对美国来说是个好消息。拜登总统试图通过加强美国的亚洲盟友关系来遏制中国。

be music to one's ears 是一个习语，意思是“听起来令人愉悦、令人满意”，可以替换我们常说的 be good news。这个短语可以用在作文中，比如关于“就业”话题，我们可以说：

For job seekers, getting an offer from their dream company is music to their ears.对求职者来说，得到梦寐以求的公司的录用通知是一个好消息。

big up 是一个非常直观的表达，动词词组，表示 to praise or recommend sb/sth strongly “高度赞扬；极力推荐”，可以和 praise, hype, recommend 替换。看个例句：

He's been bigging up our Wechat official account.他一直极力推荐我们的公众号。

四

Preventing a re-run of that conflict, in which more than 140,000 South Korean and almost 37,000 American troops died, remains the pre-eminent bilateral concern. America’s 28,500 troops on the peninsula (notwithstanding Donald Trump’s threats to withdraw them) are a testament to it.

防止朝鲜战争重演（在这场战争中，14万韩国士兵和将近3.7万美国士兵死亡）成为韩美两国最重要的双边关切。美国在朝鲜半岛上驻兵 28500 人（尽管特朗普威胁要撤回驻兵）就是一个证明。

pre-eminent 表示 more important, more successful “重要的、卓越的”，可以和 supreme, outstanding, dominant, leading 等词替换。文中 pre-eminent bilateral concern 意思是：重要的双边关切。
be a testament to 是一个很好用的表达，意思是“是...的证明”，其中 to 是介词，后面加名词或动名词，这个短语可以替换 be an example of...，写作中可以用来举例子，增强文章的说服力，比如，在关于“创新、创造”话题的写作中，我们可以说：

The success of many entrepreneurs in the tech industry is a testament to the power of innovation and creativity.科技行业许多企业家的成功证明了创新和创造力的力量。

再比如谈到“教育公平”，我们可以说：

The high enrollment rate of students from rural areas in top universities is a testament to the government's efforts to improve educational equality.农村学生在顶尖大学的高录取率，证明了政府改善教育平等的努力。

五

Yet the two countries’ ties have thickened over the decades.

然而，几十年来美韩两国的关系却不断加强。

thicken 除了“变厚”的意思，还可以和 tie, relation 等词搭配，表示“加强关系”， 常出现在外交、政治领域中。在这里 thicken 可以用 strengthen, deepen, enhance 等词替换，thicken the ties 也可以用 build closer ties 表示。

六

His administration even defended America / after leaked documents revealed that / it had been spying on the South Korean government. Kim Tae-hyo, the deputy national-security adviser, at first claimed that / the documents were forged. He subsequently acknowledged the snooping, but insisted / it had been conducted without “malicious intent”.

泄露文件显示，美国一直对韩国政府进行监听，而尹锡悦政府甚至为美国政府进行辩护。国安副助理金泰孝起初称这些文件是伪造的，后来也承认了监听，但坚称美国没有“恶意”。

第一句中的 even 值得品味一下，韩国在这事上也能维护美国，连《经济学人》都感到意外。这就像你挨了一巴掌，别人替你打抱不平，你捂着脸说：他没打我，有人造谣，他不是恶意的！

来看语言点，这段话中有一组同义替换：spying 和 snooping，都表示“监听”。forge 在这里是 to make an illegal copy of sth in order to cheat people “伪造”，比如很多同学小时候都模仿过父母的签名，可以说：

I'm getting good at forging my mother's signature. 我把母亲的签名伪造得越来越维妙维肖了。

七

It has also been far more loth than some other American allies to distance itself from China.

相比其他美国盟友，韩国很不愿意疏远中国。

中国是韩国最大的贸易伙伴，比日美加起来还要大，而且中国占了韩国半导体出口的 40%，所以韩国也不敢得罪中国。
far more 后面加形容词表示强调，可以翻译成“很、非常”。loth 指“不情愿的、勉强的”，常见的搭配有 be loth to do sth 不情愿做某事，可以用 hesitant、reluctant、unwilling 等词语替换。这句话中还有个名词动用：distance from.distance 常作名词，表示“距离”，这里作动词，和 from 搭配，表示“和...疏远”，同义替换有 keep away from、keep a distance from、keep apart from 等。distance from 可以用在写作中，比如关于“数字技术”“网络安全”的话题，我们可以说：

Cybersecurity has become a major concern for many countries, as the world becomes more dependent on digital technologies. While some countries, such as China, are investing heavily in cybersecurity measures, others are loth to distance themselves from spying and snooping on foreign governments.

随着世界越来越依赖数字技术，网络安全已成为许多国家的重大关切。一些国家（如中国）在积极投资网络安全措施，而另一些国家却不愿摆脱对外国政府的监控。

我们可以从例句中提炼出一组句型，用到自己的作文中：

XX has become a major concern for many countries, as the world... While some countries..., others...
再比如，关于“文化多样性”，我们可以说：

In the age of globalization, cultural diversity is both celebrated and challenged. Some people argue that cultural assimilation is necessary for social harmony, while others advocate for preserving cultural differences. 

Some governments, such as America, have been seeking to ban TikTok - a social media platform for popular culture - and loth to distance themselves from their rising populism.

在全球化的时代，文化多样性既被歌颂又受到挑战。有人认为文化同化对社会和谐十分必要，而另一些人则主张保存文化差异。一些政府，比如美国，一直设法打击 TikTok（大众文化的社交媒体平台），不愿远离不断崛起的民粹主义。

我们也可以从例句中提炼出一组写作句型：

In the age of..., XX is both celebrated and challenged. Some people argue that..., while others advocate for...这个句型可用来描述人们对某个事物的不同看法。

原文中有一些敏感信息，所以我们不分享了，感谢阅读！